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Showing posts with label Illinois. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Illinois. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 14, 2014

SOUND OFF ON OBAMA LIBRARY FUNDING

Monday, May 12, 2014

CEOs sound off on Illinois’ business climate




CEOs of major U.S. corporations went on record in Chief Executive Magazine’s “2014 Best and Worst States for Business.” 

Business leaders pulled no punches in their description of Illinois, going so far as to compare doing business in Illinois to doing business in a third-world country.
The publication ranked Illinois at the bottom of the pile, at 48th of the 50 states. But the real highlights come from the CEO comments.

As one CEO pointed out:
“Corruption and union pensions have made Illinois a poor alternative for business. Continually avoiding to address and fix the problems have only exacerbated the situation. More conservative states are easier to work in and with.”

That comment alludes to states such as Texas, which ranked first overall, and Indiana, which ranked sixth overall.  Illinoisans are piling into Texas and Indiana, and those states embrace opportunity, growth and job creation.

And business

- See more at: http://www.illinoispolicy.org/ceos-sound-off-on-illinois-business-climate/#sthash.2Hrg3WbA.dpuf

CRITICAL JOB REPORT - WHY IS ILLINOIS UNEMPLOYMENT LAGGING?

Brendan Bond

Tuesday, May 06, 2014

Illinois has a domestic migration problem.

Indy
The price differences are more significant between Chicago and Sun-Belt cities that have a more favorable business and tax environment. One example is Atlanta. The price to move from Chicago to Atlanta is nearly four times the price to move in the opposite direction.
ATL
Chicago doesn’t lose the moving war with every city, though. Like Chicago, Los Angeles struggles with debt, pensions, and joblessness, and has a terrible business climate. Chicago has a slight edge on Los Angeles.
LA
The most extreme price difference is for moves between Chicago and the cities of Texas. For large truck sizes, it is more than four times more expensive to leave Chicago for Austin than to go in the opposite direction.
austin
Illinoisans deserve better from their state government, and should not be satisfied until the out-migration crisis ends. We will know that has happened when these one-way prices are the same for travel in both directions.

- See more at: http://www.illinoispolicy.org/u-haul-moving-rates-shine-a-light-on-out-migration/#sthash.KrsVKibz.dpuf

Monday, April 28, 2014

ILLINOIS: “WORST POSSIBLE STATE TO LIVE IN?”


Sunday, April 27, 2014

Illinois Dems back off $100 million push for Obama library following outrage

Illinois Democrats are backing off a plan to give $100 million of state money toward landing President Obama’s presidential library and museum -- following accusations of voting “shenanigans” and nasty Chicago-style politics, not to mention the state’s dire financial situation.
A Democrat-led House committee approved the money last week at an out-of-town hearing in Chicago with no Republicans in attendance. They instead relied on a procedural move that allowed them to use votes from a previous meeting.
“What they did last week was under-handed and sneaky and offers further proof that they no longer can be trusted with taxpayer money,” said House Republican Leader Jim Durkin.
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Friday, April 25, 2014

ILLINOIS: YOUR MONEY FOR OBAMA LIBRARY



INDIANAPOLIS – National Rifle Association Executive Vice President and CEO Wayne LaPierre will debut a short video with a message for former NYC Mayor Michael Bloomberg and his new $50 million gun-control push during the NRA-ILA leadership forum on Friday at the 2014 NRA convention.
That message? “Bloomberg is one guy with millions. We’re millions with our 25 bucks. Let’s see who crushes who.”
TheBlaze has obtained exclusive early access to the video before LaPierre debuts it around 1:15 p.m. ET:
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Wednesday, December 04, 2013

Durbin introducing student loan bill; Legislation would ensure borrowers understand repayment options

Senator Dick Durbin is introducing a bill to protect students from being overwhelmed by loans.

Senator Dick Durbin is introducing a bill to protect students from being overwhelmed by loans.
Senator Dick Durbin is introducing a bill to protect students from being overwhelmed by loans. 

Sunday, December 01, 2013

Illinois among big losers as people and their incomes move to other states -

08/28/2013

Illinois among big losers as people and their incomes move to other states

Every Monday, the Tax Foundation -- a non-partisan, non-profit research organization that has monitored tax policy at the federal, state and local levels since 1937 – puts out a Monday Map examining some aspect of tax or financial policy.
This week’s topic is the movement of personal income between states from 2000 to 2010. Illinois was on the wrong end of this trend, ranking third for most income flowing across its borders and into other states.
The Tax Foundation’s Richard Borean explains:
This week, our Monday Map draws data from our interactive State Migration Calculator, and illustrates the interstate movement of income over the past decade (from 2000 to 2010). When a person moves to a new state, their income is added to the total of all other incomes in that state. This positively affects the total taxable income in his or her new state, and negatively affects the income in the state he or she left.
Florida benefited the most—interstate migrants brought a net $67.3 billion dollars in annual income into the state between 2000 and 2010. The next two highest gainers were Arizona ($17.7 billion) and Texas ($17.6 billion). New York, on the other hand, lost the most income ($-45.6 billion), and is followed by California ($-29.4 billion) and Illinois ($-20.4 billion).
- See more at: 

http://www.rebootillinois.com/?infographic=5270#sthash.u1OFvCu2.dpuf

Friday, November 15, 2013

Szafranski v. Dunston, 2013 IL App (1st) 122975 - Illinois, cryogenics, in vitro fertilization, disposition of cryopreserved pre-embryos and donated sperm

"O Brave New World, that has such things in it." Those were the words of the Savage, the 
hero of Aldus Huxley's science-fiction novel of 1932; a prophecy which we see almost daily 
as we enter the second decade of the 21st Century.  The field of cryogenics presents such 
potential, with perplexing medical, legal and moral issues as we see here.

In a case of first impression arising from a dispute over the disposition of
cryopreserved pre-embryos created by sperm donated by plaintiff and ova
donated by defendant, the trial court’s entry of summary judgment for
plaintiff based on the application of the balancing approach used by some
state courts was vacated, and the appellate court remanded the cause for
application of the contractual approach adopted by the majority of other
courts to the previously adduced facts and additional facts the parties may
want to present.

On March 25, 2010, the couple met with physicians and staff at Northwestern regarding
the creation of the pre-embryos, and appellant deposited sperm to be frozen and used as a
back-up on the date appellee’s eggs were retrieved. The couple also signed a document
entitled “INFORMED CONSENT FOR ASSISTED REPRODUCTION” (the informed
consent). Besides outlining the risks involved with in vitro fertilization, the informed consent
states that “[n]o use can be made of these embryos without the consent of both partners (if
applicable). *** In the event of divorce or dissolution of the marriage or partnership, NMFF
Infertility] will abide by the terms of the court decree or settlement agreement regarding the
ownership and/or other rights to the embryos.” The informed consent contains the following
disclaimer as well:

“The law regarding [in vitro fertilization], embryo cryopreservation, subsequent
embryo thaw and use, and parent-child status of any resulting child(ren) is, or may be,
unsettled in the state in which either the patient, spouse, partner, or any current or future
donor lives, or in Illinois, the state in which the NMFF Program is located. NMFF does
not provide legal advice, and you should not rely on NMFF to give you any legal advice.
You should consider consulting with a lawyer who is experienced in the areas of
reproductive law and embryo cryopreservation as well as the disposition of embryos,
including any questions or concerns about the present or future status of your embryos,
your individual or joint access to them, your individual or joint parental status as to any
resulting child, or about any other aspect of this consent and agreement.”

The co-parent agreement was never signed by the couple. Nevertheless, on April 6, 2010,
appellant deposited sperm and eight eggs were retrieved from appellee. The couple agreed
to fertilize all eight based on the doctor’s advice that doing so would be appellee’s best
chance of having a child, and three of the pre-embryos ultimately survived to viability. The
next day, appellee began her chemotherapy treatment.

In May 2010, appellant sent appellee a text message ending their relationship. On August
22, 2011, he filed a pro se complaint in the circuit court of Cook County seeking to
permanently enjoin appellee from using the pre-embryos so as to “preserv[e] [his] right to
not forcibly father a child against his will.” On September 1, 2011, appellee responded with
a three-count verified counterclaim: in count I, she sought a declaratory judgment granting
her sole custody and control over the pre-embryos and the right to use them to bear children;
in count II, she alleged breach of contract and requested specific performance of the parties’
agreement; and in count III, she sought relief under a theory of promissory estoppel.

A. Standard of Review

“Summary judgment is appropriate when ‘the pleadings, depositions and admissions on
file, together with the affidavits, if any, show that there is no issue as to any material fact and
that the moving party is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.’ ” Tunca v. Painter, 2012
IL App (1st) 110930, ¶ 13 (quoting 735 ILCS 5/2-1005(c) (West 2010)). We review de novo
the circuit court’s ruling on a motion for summary judgment. Tunca, 2012 IL App (1st)
110930, ¶ 13.


B. The Law of Cryopreserved Pre-Embryos

This case presents an issue of first impression in Illinois; namely, who controls the
disposition of cryopreserved pre-embryos created with one party’s sperm and another party’s
ova. Courts in other jurisdictions have addressed this issue under various circumstances and
generally conducted three types of analyses in resolving this question: (1) a contractual
approach; (2) a contemporaneous mutual consent approach; and/or (3) a balancing approach.
Reber, 42 A.3d at 1134. Each of these approaches is discussed by the Court below.

1. The Contractual Approach

The first approach applied by courts in these circumstances is the contractual approach.
Under this approach, courts will enforce contracts governing the disposition of pre-embryos
which were entered into at the time of in vitro fertilization so long as they do not violate
public policy. Witten, 672 N.W.2d at 776. The benefits of a contractual approach are that it
encourages parties to enter into agreements that will avoid future costly litigation, and that
it removes state and court involvement in private family decisions.

Thus, while a majority of courts utilize the contractual approach and have sought to give
effect to the parties’ advance directives regarding the disposition of pre-embryos, there is not
a unanimous view that such agreements are within the public interest. The next approach
places the emphasis on the contemporaneous desires of the parties.

2. The Contemporaneous Mutual Consent Approach

The second approach applied by courts is known as the contemporaneous mutual consent
model. This approach proposes that “ ‘no embryo should be used by either partner, donated
to another patient, used in research, or destroyed without the [contemporaneous] mutual
-9-consent of the couple that created the embryo.’ ” Witten, 672 N.W.2d at 778. Under this approach,“ ‘advance instructions would not be treated as binding contracts. If either partner has a change of mind about disposition decisions made in advance, that person’s current objection would take precedence over the prior consent. If one of the partners rescinds an advance disposition decision and the other does not, the mutual consent principle would not be satisfied and the previously agreed-upon disposition decision could not be
carried out.

In this regard, the contemporaneous mutual consent model “give[s] each progenitor a
powerful bargaining chip at a time when individuals might very well be tempted to punish
their soon-to-be ex-spouses,” “[which] makes no sense and may invite individuals to hold
hostage their ex-partner’s ability to parent a biologically related child in order to punish or
to gain other advantages.”. The next approach attempts to address these concerns by placing
the disposition decision exclusively in the hands of the court.

3. The Balancing Approach

The third and final approach is for the court to balance the interests of the parties. Under
this approach, courts enforce contracts between the parties, at least to a point, then balance
their interests in the absence of an agreement. Although this approach allows courts leeway
to determine who is entitled to use pre-embryos absent an agreement regarding disposition,
the Supreme Court of Iowa has criticized this approach for its internal inconsistency, noting:
“Public policy concerns similar to those that prompt courts to refrain from enforcement
of contracts addressing reproductive choice demand even more strongly that we not
substitute the courts as decision makers in this highly emotional and personal area.
Nonetheless, that is exactly what happens under the decisional framework based on the
balancing test because the court must weigh the relative interests of the parties in
deciding the disposition of embryos when the parties cannot agree.”

Courts applying the balancing approach have noted that a party’s inability to have a child
weighs in his or her favor. (Citations)  However, none of these courts have awarded one party
the right to implant pre-embryos in the face of a prior agreement stating that both parties’
consents were required to make use of the pre-embryos.

C. The Proper Approach

In the case at bar, the parties urged the court to apply different approaches: appellant
argued that the court should apply the contemporaneous mutual consent approach adopted
by the Supreme Court of Iowa in Witten; and appellee argued that this court should either
enforce the parties’ agreements or balance their interests as in Reber.

Having considered the arguments of the parties and case law from other jurisdictions, we
believe that the best approach for resolving disputes over the disposition of pre-embryos
created with one party’s sperm and another party’s ova is to honor the parties’ own mutually
expressed intent as set forth in their prior agreements. We therefore join those courts that
have held that “[a]greements between progenitors, or gamete donors, regarding disposition
of their pre-zygotes should generally be presumed valid and binding, and enforced in any
dispute between them.” Kass, 696 N.E.2d at 180.

Appellant argued that “a contract to create and use pre-embryos is the same as a contract
to engage in sexual intercourse,” and thus void ab initio. He also argued that Illinois public
policy requires the couples’ consent for any use of the pre-embryos “at the time of the
proposed use.” The Court disagreed, stating, "There is simply no credible basis to find that the process of in
vitro fertilization is the equivalent of two persons engaging in sexual intercourse, and
appelant fails to cite any clear public policy against contracts for the right to use pre-embryos created with one party's sperm and another party's eggs. In fact, the Court found that, contrary to his claim, Illinois public policy would seem to favor such contracts given that the
Illinois legislature has specifically provided for contracts in surrogacy situations and set forth the requirements thereof. 750 ILCS 47/25 (West 2010)."

D. The Informed Consent and the Co-Parent Agreement

In this case, appellant maintained that the informed consent executed by the parties is a
valid contract which prevents use of the pre-embryos without his consent. Specifically, he
claimed that the informed consent is an expression of both his and appellee’s intent that the
pre-embryos cannot be used without both of their consents.

Appellee claimed that appellant has misinterpreted the informed consent and argued that
it is “simply the document by which the hospital sets forth its own policies regarding the
control of pre-embryos.” (Emphasis in original.) She also countered that appellant agreed to
the subsequently written co-parent agreement where he promised that he would sign it, then
performed his one critical obligation by providing sperm to create the pre-embryos.
Appellant replies that he never promised to sign the co-parent agreement and never
agreed to its terms. He also claims that he did not perform under the co-parent agreement
because he told appellee that “we needed to discuss it,” and he was “simply honoring the
prior commitment he had made on March 25.”

The Court concluded "Being a case of first impression, the circuit court did an admirable job of considering the alternative approaches taken by other states’ courts in addressing the issue of how to
determine the disposition of cryopreserved pre-embryos created with one party’s sperm and
another party’s ova. Obviously, the parties did not know which approach the circuit court
would adopt prior to the circuit court applying the balancing approach and entering summary
judgment in favor of the appellee. As the Court explained, the proper test to apply is the
contractual approach. Consequently, it vacated the entry of summary judgment in favor of
the appellee. As the parties were unable to present evidence in support of their respective
positions in light of the contractual approach, the Court remanded this matter to the circuit court to
apply the contractual approach to any facts previously adduced and to any facts the parties
wish to present on remand. This court retained jurisdiction over this matter and we instruct the
circuit court and the parties to conclude any additional litigation they deem necessary within
180 days of this court issuing this mandate.

Reversed and remanded with instructions."

JACOB SZAFRANSKI, Plaintiff-Appellant, v. KARLA DUNSTON,
Defendant-Appellee.
First District, Second Division
Docket No. 1-12-2975
June 18, 2013


Illinois cemetery search finds 1922 massacre victims - FOX News

Researchers say their excavation of a southern Illinois cemetery has located the likely remains of people killed during a violent 1922 labor strike at a nearby coal mine.


The (Carbondale) Southern Illinoisan reports that the Herrin City Cemetery search headed by Eastern Illinois University geologist Steven Di Naso and author Scott Doody found four coffins matching the description of those used for victims of the Herrin Massacre.

Thursday, November 14, 2013

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION OF ILLINOIS, Plaintiff-Appellant, v. Anita ALVAREZ, Defendant-Appellee. - Eavesdropping Statute, Illinois, Speech and Press Freedoms, Strict Scrutiny,

Before POSNER, SYKES, and HAMILTON, Circuit Judges.

SYKES, Circuit Judge.

The Illinois eavesdropping statute makes it a felony to audio record "all or any part of any conversation" unless all parties to the conversation give their consent. 720 ILL. COMP. STAT. 5/14-2(a)(1). The statute covers any oral communication regardless of whether the communication was intended to be private. Id. 5/14-1(d). The offense is normally a class 4 felony but is elevated to a class 1 felony—with a possible prison term of four to fifteen years—if one of the recorded individuals is performing duties as a law-enforcement officer. Id. 5/14-4(b). Illinois does not prohibit taking silent video of police officers performing their duties in public; turning on a microphone, however, triggers class 1 felony punishment.
The question here is whether the First Amendment prevents Illinois prosecutors from enforcing the eavesdropping statute against people who openly record police officers performing their official duties in public. More specifically, the American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois ("ACLU") challenges the statute as applied to the organization's Chicago-area "police accountability program," which includes a plan to openly make audiovisual recordings of police officers performing their duties in public places and speaking at a volume audible to bystanders. Concerned that its videographers would be prosecuted under the eavesdropping statute, the ACLU has not yet implemented the program. Instead, it filed this preenforcement action against Anita Alvarez, the Cook County State's Attorney, asking for declaratory and injunctive relief barring her from enforcing the statute on these facts. The ACLU moved for a preliminary injunction.

Faced with so obvious a test case, the district court proceeded with some skepticism. The judge dismissed the complaint for lack of standing, holding that the ACLU had not sufficiently alleged a threat of prosecution. The ACLU tried again, submitting a new complaint addressing the court's concerns. This time, the judge held that the ACLU had cured the original defect but had "not alleged a cognizable First Amendment injury" because the First Amendment does not protect a "right to audio record." The judge denied leave to amend. The ACLU appealed.

The Court reversed and remanded with instructions to allow the amended complaint and enter a preliminary injunction blocking enforcement of the eavesdropping statute as applied to audio recording of the kind alleged here. The Illinois eavesdropping statute restricts a medium of expression commonly used for the preservation and communication of information and ideas, thus triggering First Amendment scrutiny. Illinois has criminalized the nonconsensual recording of most any oral communication, including recordings of public officials doing the public's business in public and regardless of whether the recording is open or surreptitious. Defending the broad sweep of this statute, the State's Attorney relies on the government's interest in protecting conversational privacy, but that interest is not implicated when police officers are performing their duties in public places and engaging in public communications audible to persons who witness the events. Even under the more lenient intermediate standard of scrutiny applicable to content-neutral burdens on speech, this application of the statute very likely flunks. The Illinois eavesdropping statute restricts far more speech than necessary to protect legitimate privacy interests; as 587*587 applied to the facts alleged here, it likely violates the First Amendment's free-speech and free-press guarantees.

The Court was confronted, then, with a series of legal questions: (1) has the ACLU established standing to sue; (2) does the amended complaint state a claim for a First Amendment violation; and (3) is that claim likely to succeed? The district court stopped after the first inquiry, holding that the ACLU does not have standing to sue because it has no cognizable First Amendment injury. The State's Attorney urged the Court to affirm this standing determination, though on a different rationale. In the alternative, she maintains that the proposed amended complaint does not state a claim for an actionable First Amendment violation. Standing comes before the merits, of course, In re Aqua Dots Prods. Liab. Litig., 654 F.3d 748, 750 (7th Cir. 2011), but as we'll see, in this case there is some overlap, see Bond v. Utreras, 585 F.3d 1061, 1073 (7th Cir.2009).

Standing is "an essential and unchanging part of the case-or-controversy requirement of Article III." Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560, 112 S.Ct. 2130, 119 L.Ed.2d 351 (1992). To establish standing to sue in federal court,

a plaintiff must show that he is under threat of suffering "injury in fact" that is concrete and particularized; the threat must be actual and imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical; it must be fairly traceable to the challenged action of the defendant; and it must be likely that a favorable judicial decision will prevent or redress the injury.

Finally, the State's Attorney argues that principles of Younger abstention affect the standing inquiry, or alternatively, that Younger abstention applies. See Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. 37, 91 S.Ct. 746, 27 L.Ed.2d 669 (1971). "Younger abstention is appropriate only when there is an action in state court against the federal plaintiff and the state is seeking to enforce the contested law in that proceeding." Forty One News, Inc. v. County of Lake, 491 F.3d 662, 665 (7th Cir.2007). We have suggested in dicta that if a state prosecution "really were imminent, then a federal court might well abstain on comity grounds." 520 S. Mich. Ave. Assocs., Ltd. v. Devine, 433 F.3d 961, 963 (7th Cir.2006). The State's Attorney maintains that because standing requires an imminent injury, Younger abstention must apply. By this logic, Younger precludes all federal preenforcement challenges to state laws. That's obviously not right. The State's Attorney's argument misunderstands the basis of preenforcement standing, which "depends on the probability of harm, not its temporal proximity." Id. at 962. Youngerabstention does not apply and does not affect the standing inquiry. See Hoover v. Wagner, 47 F.3d 845, 848 (7th Cir.1995).

C. The First Amendment Claim
On the merits the State's Attorney has staked out an extreme position. She contends that openly recording what police officers say while performing their duties in traditional public fora—streets, sidewalks, plazas, and parks—is wholly unprotected by the First Amendment. This is an extraordinary argument, and it rests in large part on the same misreading of Potts and misapplication of the "willing speaker" 595*595 principle that infected the district court's standing determination. We have already corrected these misunderstandings and need not repeat that analysis here.

For its part the ACLU contends that the eavesdropping statute, as applied to the facts alleged here, is subject to strict scrutiny. Whether strict scrutiny or some more forgiving standard of judicial review applies depends on what kind of First Amendment interest is at stake and how the eavesdropping statute affects that interest.

1. The Eavesdropping Statute Burdens Individual Speech and Press Rights
Unlike the federal wiretapping statute and the eavesdropping laws of most other states,[4] the gravamen of the Illinois eavesdropping offense is not the secret interception or surreptitious recording of a private communication. Instead, the statute sweeps much more broadly, banning all audio recording of any oral communication absent consent of the parties regardless of whether the communication is or was intended to be private. The expansive reach of this statute is hard to reconcile with basic speech and press freedoms. For reasons we will explain, the First Amendment limits the extent to which Illinois may restrict audio and audiovisual recording of utterances that occur in public.[5]

The Illinois eavesdropping statute may or may not be a law of general applicability; as we have noted, it contains a number of exemptions. Either way, it should be clear by now that its effect on First Amendment interests is far from incidental. To the contrary, the statute specifically targets a communication technology; the use of an audio recorder—a medium of expression—triggers criminal liability. The law's legal sanction is directly leveled against the expressive element of an expressive 603*603 activity. As such, the statute burdens First Amendment rights directly, not incidentally.


2. Content Based or Content Neutral?
The ACLU contends that the eavesdropping statute is subject to strict scrutiny because it restricts speech based on its content and discriminates among speakers. The First Amendment "does not countenance government control over the content of messages expressed by private individuals." Turner, 512 U.S. at 641, 114 S.Ct. 2445. This is a "bedrock principle" of First Amendment law. Snyder v. Phelps, ___ U.S. ___, 131 S.Ct. 1207, 1219, 179 L.Ed.2d 172 (2011) (quotation marks omitted). "[A]s a general matter, the First Amendment means that government has no power to restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its content." Ashcroft v. ACLU,535 U.S. 564, 573, 122 S.Ct. 1700, 152 L.Ed.2d 771 (2002) (quotation marks omitted). Laws that restrict speech based on its content are "presumptively invalid, and the Government bears the burden to rebut that presumption." United States v. Stevens,___ U.S. ___, 130 S.Ct. 1577, 1584, 176 L.Ed.2d 435 (2010) (quotation marks omitted).

Accordingly, regulatory measures "that suppress, disadvantage, or impose differential burdens upon speech because of its content" are subject to strict scrutiny. Turner, 512 U.S. at 642, 114 S.Ct. 2445. "In contrast, regulations that are unrelated to the content of speech are subject to an intermediate level of scrutiny... because in most cases they pose a less substantial risk of excising certain ideas or viewpoints from the public dialogue." Id. (citation omitted). Although the line between content-neutral and content-based laws is sometimes hard to draw, "the `principal inquiry in determining content neutrality... is whether the government has adopted a regulation of speech because of [agreement or] disagreement with the message it conveys.'" Id. (alterations in original) (quoting Ward v. Rock Against Racism, 491 U.S. 781, 791, 109 S.Ct. 2746, 105 L.Ed.2d 661 (1989)). Stated differently, "laws that by their terms distinguish favored speech from disfavored speech on the basis of the ideas or views expressed are content based." Id. at 643, 114 S.Ct. 2445.

The eavesdropping statute is content neutral on its face. It does not target any particular message, idea, or subject matter. The ACLU argues that the eavesdropping statute should be treated as a content-based restriction because its enforcement requires an examination of the audio recording to determine whether a violation has occurred. This argument misunderstands the First Amendment requirement of content neutrality. A law is not considered "content based" simply because a court must "look at the content of an oral or written statement in order to determine whether a rule of law applies." Hill v. Colorado, 530 U.S. 703, 721, 120 S.Ct. 2480, 147 L.Ed.2d 597 (2000).

3. The Eavesdropping Statute Likely Fails Intermediate Scrutiny
The Supreme Court uses several variations of intermediate scrutiny in its free-speech cases. When an intermediate standard of review applies in the campaign-finance context—for example, when the Court reviews limits on contributions to candidates—the challenged law must be "closely drawn to serve a sufficiently important interest...." Ariz. Free Enter. Club, 131 S.Ct. at 2817 (internal quotation marks omitted); see also Doe v. Reed, ___ U.S. ___, 130 S.Ct. 2811, 2818, 177 L.Ed.2d 493 (2010).
In commercial-speech cases, the government must establish that the challenged statute "directly advances a substantial governmental interest and that the measure is drawn to achieve that interest." Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., ___ U.S. ___, 131 S.Ct. 2653, 2667-68, 180 L.Ed.2d 544 (2011). Stated differently, intermediate scrutiny in this context requires "a `fit' between the legislature's ends and the means chosen to accomplish those ends,... a fit that is not necessarily perfect, but reasonable; that represents not necessarily 605*605 the single best disposition but one whose scope is in proportion to the interest served." Bd. of Trs. of State Univ. of N.Y. v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469, 480, 109 S.Ct. 3028, 106 L.Ed.2d 388 (1989) (citations and internal quotation marks omitted).
Under the Court's speech-forum doctrine, a regulatory measure may be permissible as a "time, place, or manner" restriction if it is "`justified without reference to the content of the regulated speech, ... narrowly tailored to serve a significant governmental interest, ... and... leave[s] open ample alternative channels for communication of the information.'" Ward, 491 U.S. at 791, 109 S.Ct. 2746 (quoting Clark v. Cmty. for Creative Non-Violence, 468 U.S. 288, 293, 104 S.Ct. 3065, 82 L.Ed.2d 221 (1984)).

Though stated in different terms, these intermediate-scrutiny standards share certain essential elements in common. All require (1) content neutrality (content-based regulations are presumptively invalid); (2) an important public-interest justification for the challenged regulation; and (3) a reasonably close fit between the law's means and its ends. This last requirement means that the burden on First Amendment rights must not be greater than necessary to further the important governmental interest at stake.See Fox, 492 U.S. at 480, 109 S.Ct. 3028Ward, 491 U.S. at 799, 109 S.Ct. 2746see also O'Brien, 391 U.S. at 376-77, 88 S.Ct. 1673 (stating an alternative formulation of intermediate scrutiny).

Before closing, a brief response to a couple of points in the dissent. Our decision will not, as Judge Posner suggests, "cast[] a shadow over the electronic privacy statutes of other states." Dissent at 609. As we have explained, the Illinois statute is a national outlier. See Alderman, Police Privacy in the iPhone Era?, supra note 4, at 533-45 (collecting state statutes). Most state electronic privacy statutes apply only to privateconversations; that is, they contain (or are construed to include) an expectation-of-privacy requirement that limits their scope to conversations that carry a reasonable expectation of privacy. Others apply only to wiretapping, and some ban only surreptitious 608*608 recording. Id. Indeed, the California statute discussed in the dissent is explicitly limited to "confidential communications," a term specifically defined to exclude the kind of communications at issue here. If the Illinois statute contained a similar limitation, the link to the State's privacy justification would be much stronger.

The dissent also takes us to task for giving insufficient consideration to the privacy interests of civilians who communicate with the police and for failing to grasp the extent to which people "say things in public that they don't expect others around them to be listening to, let alone recording for later broadcasting." Dissent at 613. To the contrary, we have acknowledged the importance of conversational privacy and heeded the basic distinction drawn in Katz that some conversations in public places implicate privacy and others do not. See Katz, 389 U.S. at 351, 88 S.Ct. 507. Again, the privacy interests that may justify banning audio recording are not limited to those that the Fourth Amendment secures against governmental intrusion. But the Illinois eavesdropping statute obliterates the distinction between private and nonprivate by criminalizing allnonconsensual audio recording regardless of whether the communication is private in any sense. 720 ILL. COMP. STAT. 5/14-1(d). If protecting privacy is the justification for this law, then the law must be more closely tailored to serve that interest in order to avoid trampling on speech and press rights.

For these reasons, we conclude that the ACLU has a strong likelihood of success on the merits of its First Amendment claim. The Illinois eavesdropping statute restricts an expressive medium used for the preservation and dissemination of information and ideas. On the factual premises of this case, the statute does not serve the important governmental interest of protecting conversational privacy; applying the statute in the circumstances alleged here is likely unconstitutional.
Accordingly, we reverse and remand with the following instructions: The district court shall reopen the case and allow the amended complaint; enter a preliminary injunction enjoining the State's Attorney from applying the Illinois eavesdropping statute against the ACLU and its employees or agents who openly audio record the audible communications of law-enforcement officers (or others whose communications are incidentally captured) when the officers are engaged in their official duties in public places; and conduct such further proceedings as are consistent with this opinion.

REVERSED AND REMANDED WITH INSTRUCTIONS.

POSNER, Circuit Judge, dissenting.

The American Civil Liberties Union appeals from the denial of a preliminary injunction in its suit against the Cook County State's Attorney (that is, the "D.A." of Cook County, Illinois) to invalidate the Illinois Eavesdropping Act as a violation of freedom of speech (more precisely, freedom to publish or otherwise disseminate other people's speech). I would affirm the district court.

The Act criminalizes "knowingly and intentionally us[ing] an eavesdropping device for the purpose of hearing or recording all or any part of any conversation" without "the consent of all of the parties to such conversation." 720 ILCS 5/14-2(a)(1). My colleagues have decided to reverse, and to order the entry of a preliminary injunction against enforcement of the Eavesdropping Act. But why a preliminary injunction? The opinion gives no indication of what argument or evidence presented on remand might allow the district court again to uphold the Act.

609The invalidation of a statute on constitutional grounds should be a rare and solemn judicial act, done with reluctance under compulsion of clear binding precedent or clear constitutional language or—in the absence of those traditional sources of guidance—compelling evidence, or an overwhelming gut feeling, that the statute has intolerable consequences. The law invalidated today is not an outdated one left on the books by legislative inertia, like many of the laws invalidated by the Supreme Court in famous cases such as Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 85 S.Ct. 1678, 14 L.Ed.2d 510 (1965). In its present form it dates only from 1994. It is stricter than provisions found in the laws governing electronic eavesdropping in most other states because it requires both parties to consent to a recording of their conversation. Maybe it's too strict in forbidding nonconsensual recording even when done in defense of self or others, as when the participant in a conversation records it in order to create credible evidence of blackmail, threats, other forms of extortion, or other unlawful activity, as in Glik v. Cunniffe, 655 F.3d 78 (1st Cir.2011). But that feature of the statute is irrelevant. The ACLU insists on, and the majority opinion endorses, the right to record conversations to which police officers are parties even if no party consents to the recording, as long as the officers are performing public duties (as distinct from talking with one another on a private topic) in a public place and speaking loudly enough to be heard by a person who doesn't have special equipment for amplifying sound—in other words, a person standing nearby.

Our ruling casts a shadow over electronic privacy statutes of other states as well, to the extent that they can be interpreted to require the consent of at least one party to a conversation to record it even though the conversation takes place in a public place, if the conversation could nevertheless reasonably be thought private by the parties. The statutes of several states are so open-ended that they could easily be found invalid under the approach taken in the majority opinion. See Alaska Stat. Ann. § 42.20.310; Ark.Code Ann. § 5-60-120; Cal.Penal Code § 632(c); Mich. Comp. Laws Ann. § 750.539c; N.D. Cent. Code Ann. § 12.1-15-02. The California statute is illustrative. It states that "the term `confidential communication' includes any communication carried on in circumstances as may reasonably indicate that any party to the communication desires it to be confined to the parties thereto, but excludes a communication made in a public gathering or in any legislative, judicial, executive or administrative proceeding open to the public, or in any other circumstance in which the parties to the communication may reasonably expect that the communication may be overheard or recorded." The words are clear, the meaning is clear, but the application is unclear. Should a conversation in a public place, but intended to be private, be thought a "communication that any party desires to be confined to the parties"? It is both intended to be private and remote from a communication made in a "public gathering," a term that from its placement connotes a public meeting of some sort. But what of the exclusion of private communications that the parties "may reasonably expect... may be overheard or recorded"? That fogs the issue of which private communications are protected. To read the statute literally would exclude all private communications, for any private communication can be overheard and recorded, even if it is a conversation in a closed room.

A number of state privacy statutes tee off from the statement in Katz v. United States,389 U.S. 347, 351, 88 S.Ct. 507, 19 L.Ed.2d 576 (1967), that "what a person 610knowingly exposes to the public, even in his own home or office, is not a subject of Fourth Amendment protection. But what he seeks to preserve as private, even in an area accessible to the public, may be constitutionally protected." See, e.g., Fla. Stat. § 934.02(2); Ohio Rev.Code Ann. § 2933.51(B); Texas Penal Code § 16.02(b)(1), incorporating Tex.Code Crim. P. art. 18.20 § 1(1); cf. 18 U.S.C. § 2510(2). The police in Katz had recorded the defendant's phone call, made in a public telephone booth, by secretly fastening a microphone to the booth, and the Court held that the recording violated the Fourth Amendment because the police had no warrant. Suppose the telephone booth had had no door, or that though it had a door the booth was not soundproof and someone standing five feet away could hear the conversation. Or suppose a police officer is talking in a low voice to a crime victim on a crowded sidewalk; there are people within earshot but the conversants reasonably assume that no one is listening, though they notice someone looking at his cell phone and the recorder in the cell phone might be turned on. We can't predict the impact of today's decision on the laws of most other states.

The ACLU particularly wants to record conversations to which a police officer is a party during demonstrations in public places, such as the march protesting the start of the second Iraq war that was before us in Vodak v. City of Chicago, 639 F.3d 738 (7th Cir.2011). That is its particular desire, but if its constitutional argument is correct, anyone has a constitutional right to record all such conversations, not just groups like the ACLU, and journalists, because neither the ACLU nor the press has greater First Amendment rights than other members of the public. Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, ___ U.S. ___, 130 S.Ct. 876, 905-06, 175 L.Ed.2d 753 (2010)Lovell v. City of Griffin, 303 U.S. 444, 452, 58 S.Ct. 666, 82 L.Ed. 949 (1938); see generally Eugene Volokh, "Freedom for the Press as an Industry, or for the Press as a Technology? From the Framing to Today," 160 U. Pa. L.Rev. 459 (2012). Nor would the right be limited to political demonstrations; it would extend to all audible police conversations in public places, whether outdoors on sidewalks and in parks or indoors in the lobbies or other public spaces of courthouses and other government buildings.

Judges asked to affirm novel "interpretations" of the First Amendment should be mindful that the constitutional right of free speech, as construed nowadays, is nowhere to be found in the Constitution. The relevant provision of the First Amendment merely forbids Congress to abridge free speech, which as understood in the eighteenth century meant freedom only from censorship (that is, suppressing speech, rather than just punishing the speaker after the fact). A speaker could be prosecuted for seditious libel, for blasphemy, and for much other reprobated speech besides, but in a prosecution he would at least have the protection of trial by jury, which he would not have if hauled before a censorship board; and his speech or writing would not have been suppressed, which is what censorship boards do. Protection against censorship was the only protection that the amendment was understood to create. Patterson v. Colorado, 205 U.S. 454, 461-62, 27 S.Ct. 556, 51 L.Ed. 879 (1907) (Holmes, J.)Blue Canary Corp. v. City of Milwaukee, 251 F.3d 1121, 1123 (7th Cir.2001); Akhil Reed Amar, The Bill of Rights: Creation and Reconstruction 23-24 (1998); cf. 4 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 150-53 (1769).

The limitation of the amendment to Congress, and thus to federal restrictions on 611free speech (the First Amendment does not apply to state action), and to censorship isthe original understanding. Judges have strayed so far from it that further departures should be undertaken with caution. Even today, with the right to free speech expanding in all directions, it remains a partial, a qualified, right. To make it complete would render unconstitutional defamation law, copyright law, trade secret law, and trademark law; tort liability for wiretapping, other electronic eavesdropping, and publicly depicting a person in a "false light"; laws criminalizing the publication of military secrets and the dissemination of child pornography; conspiracy law (thus including much of antitrust law); prohibitions of criminal solicitation, threats and fighting words, securities fraud, and false advertising of quack medical remedies; the regulation of marches, parades, and other demonstrations whatever their objective; limitations on free speech in prisons; laws limiting the televising of judicial proceedings; what little is left of permitted regulation of campaign expenditures; public school disciplining of inflammatory or disruptive student speech; the attorney-client, spousal, and physician-patient privileges in cases in which an attorney or spouse or physician would like to speak but is forbidden by the privilege to do so; laws making medical records confidential; and prohibitions against the public disclosure of jurors' names in cases in which jurors might be harassed. All these legal restrictions of free speech are permitted (some because they may actually increase the amount of speech, a point I'll come back to). The question in this case is whether a state, to protect both privacy and public safety, should be allowed in addition to forbid the recording of conversations between police officers and members of the public in a public place unless both parties to the conversation consent to being recorded for posterity.

A person who is talking with a police officer on duty may be a suspect whom the officer wants to question; he may be a bystander whom the police are shooing away from the scene of a crime or an accident; he may be an injured person seeking help; he may be a crime victim seeking police intervention; he may be asking for directions; he may be arguing with a police officer over a parking ticket; he may be reporting a traffic accident. In many of these encounters the person conversing with the police officer may be very averse to the conversation's being broadcast on the evening news or blogged throughout the world. In some instances such publicity would violate the tort right of privacy, a conventional exception to freedom of speech as I have noted.Restatement (Second) of Torts §§ 652A, 652D (1977) ("unreasonable publicity given to [another person's] private life"); Wolfe v. Schaefer, 619 F.3d 782, 784 (7th Cir.2010);Reuber v. Food Chemical News, Inc., 925 F.2d 703, 718-19 (4th Cir.1991) (en banc)("publiciz[ing] private facts in a highly offensive manner about an issue not of public concern"); Miller v. Motorola, Inc., 202 Ill.App.3d 976, 148 Ill.Dec. 303, 560 N.E.2d 900 (1990). This body of law is endangered by today's ruling.

Privacy is a social value. And so, of course, is public safety. The constitutional right that the majority creates is likely to impair the ability of police both to extract information relevant to police duties and to communicate effectively with persons whom they speak with in the line of duty. An officer may freeze if he sees a journalist recording a conversation between the officer and a crime suspect, crime victim, or dissatisfied member of the public. He may be concerned when any stranger moves into earshot, or when he sees a recording device (even a cell phone, for modern cell phones are digital audio recorders) 612*612 in the stranger's hand. To distract police during tense encounters with citizens endangers public safety and undermines effective law enforcement.

The majority opinion disclaims any intention of "immuniz[ing] behavior that obstructs or interferes with effective law enforcement." I am not reassured. A fine line separates "mere" recording of a police-citizen encounter (whether friendly or hostile) from obstructing police operations by distracting the officers and upsetting the citizens they are speaking with. Today's ruling may cause state and federal judicial dockets in Illinois to swell because it will unwittingly encourage police officers to shoo away bystanders, on the authority of cases like Colten v. Kentucky, 407 U.S. 104, 109-10, 92 S.Ct. 1953, 32 L.Ed.2d 584 (1972); cf. City of Houston v. Hill, 482 U.S. 451, 462 n. 11, 107 S.Ct. 2502, 96 L.Ed.2d 398 (1987)King v. Ambs, 519 F.3d 607, 613-15 (6th Cir.2008),when the officer wants to have a private conversation in a public place.

That the Eavesdropping Act, despite its name, does not punish the bystander who overhears a conversation without recording it does not have the significance that the majority opinion gives it. There is an important difference, well articulated in Justice Harlan's dissent in United States v. White, 401 U.S. 745, 787-89, 91 S.Ct. 1122, 28 L.Ed.2d 453 (1971) (footnotes omitted), between human and mechanical eavesdropping:
The impact of the practice of third-party bugging, must, I think, be considered such as to undermine that confidence and sense of security in dealing with one another that is characteristic of individual relationships between citizens in a free society. It goes beyond the impact on privacy occasioned by the ordinary type of "informer" investigation.... The argument of the plurality opinion, to the effect that it is irrelevant whether secrets are revealed by the mere tattletale or the transistor, ignores the differences occasioned by third-party monitoring and recording which insures full and accurate disclosure of all that is said, free of the possibility of error and oversight that inheres in human reporting.
Authority is hardly required to support the proposition that words would be measured a good deal more carefully and communication inhibited if one suspected his conversations were being transmitted and transcribed. Were third-party bugging a prevalent practice, it might well smother that spontaneity— reflected in frivolous, impetuous, sacrilegious, and defiant discourse—that liberates daily life. Much off-hand exchange is easily forgotten and one may count on the obscurity of his remarks, protected by the very fact of a limited audience, and the likelihood that the listener will either overlook or forget what is said, as well as the listener's inability to reformulate a conversation without having to contend with a documented record. All these values are sacrificed by a rule of law that permits official monitoring of private discourse limited only by the need to locate a willing assistant.
The distinction that Justice Harlan drew between an overheard private conversation recalled from memory and one that is recorded is something everyone feels—and feels more acutely in the electronic age than 41 years ago. Walter Kirn, "Little Brother Is Watching," New York Times Magazine (Oct. 17, 2010); William Saletan, "Bugged Naked: Webcams, Sex, and the Death of Privacy," Slate (Oct. 1, 2010); William Safire, "To Stop the Eavesdrop," New York Times (Dec. 20, 1999). Americans face new challenges to privacy because of the amount of personal information 613*613 stored and publicly accessible online and the ubiquity of recording devices. Lizette Alvarez, "Spring Break Gets Tamer as World Watches Online," New York Times (March 16, 2012); Jeffrey Rosen, "The Web Means the End of Forgetting," New York Times (July 25, 2010); Jonathan Zittrain, "Privacy 2.0," 2008 U. Chi. Legal Forum 65, 81-91. Lacking relevant expertise, lacking evidence, forced back on intuition, judges should hesitate to invalidate legislative attempts to solve these problems.

Police may have no right to privacy in carrying out official duties in public. But the civilians they interact with do. The majority opinion "acknowledge[s] the difference in accuracy and immediacy that an audio recording provides as compared to notes or even silent videos or transcripts" but says that "in terms of the privacy interests at stake, the difference is not sufficient to justify criminalizing this particular method of preserving and publishing the public communications of these public officials" (emphasis in original). The assertion lacks a supporting argument, and by describing the recording as a "method of preserving and publishing the public communications of these public officials" neglects the fact that the recording will publish and preserve what the civilians with whom the police are conversing say, not just what the police say. The further statement that these "are not conversations that carry privacy expectations even though uttered in public places" implies that anything said outdoors is ipso factopublic. Yet people often say things in public that they don't expect others around them to be listening to, let alone recording for later broadcasting, and we are given no reason to think that this is never the case when someone complains to a police officer, or otherwise speaks with one, "in public" in the sense of being in a place in which there are other people about.

Suppose a police detective meets an informant in a park and they sit down on a park bench to talk. A crime reporter sidles up, sits down next to them, takes out his iPhone, and turns on the recorder. The detective and the informant move to the next park bench to continue their conversation in private. The reporter follows them. Is this what the Constitution privileges?

It is small consolation to be told by the majority that "the ACLU plans to record openly,thus giving the police and others notice that they are being recorded" (emphasis in original). All the ACLU means is that it won't try to hide its recorder from the conversants whom it wants to record, though since the typical recorder nowadays is a cell phone it will be hidden in plain view. A person who doesn't want his conversations to be recorded will have to keep a sharp eye out for anyone nearby holding a cell phone, which in many urban settings is almost everyone. The ubiquity of recording devices will increase security concerns by distracting the police.

There is more on the state's side of this case than privacy of communications and the effectiveness of law enforcement—and the more is the same First Amendment interest that the ACLU says it wants to promote. The majority opinion concedes that "conversational privacy" "serves First Amendment interests," but thinks there can be no conversational privacy when the conversation takes place in a public place; it says that "this case has nothing to do with private conversations." But private talk in public places is common, indeed ubiquitous, because most people spend a lot of their time in public places; because they rely on their anonymity and on the limited memory of others to minimize the risk of publication; because public places are (paradoxically) often more private than 614*614 private places (imagine if detectives could meet with their informants only in police stations); and because eavesdropping on strangers is actually rather uncommon because it is so difficult in most cases to understand a conversation between strangers. "Anyone who's overheard conversations on the street or in a restaurant knows that conversations between strangers are often unintelligible. There is the public language we employ when talking to strangers and the elliptical private language that we use when talking to people whom we know. Strangers need an interpreter...." United States v. Curescu, 674 F.3d 735, 740 (7th Cir.2012).

I disagree with the majority that "anyone who wishes to speak to police officers in confidence can do so," and "police discussions about matters of national and local security do not take place in public where bystanders are within earshot." Forget national security; the people who most need police assistance and who most want their conversations kept private are often the people least able to delay their conversation until they reach a private place. If a person has been shot or raped or mugged or badly injured in a car accident or has witnessed any of these things happening to someone else, and seeks out a police officer for aid, what sense would it make to tell him he's welcome to trot off to the nearest police station for a cozy private conversation, but that otherwise the First Amendment gives passersby the right to memorialize and publish (on Facebook, on Twitter, on YouTube, on a blog) his agonized plea for help? And as in our informant example, many of the persons whom police want to talk to do not want to be seen visiting police stations.

Accuracy is a social value, and a recording of a conversation provides a more accurate record of the conversation than the recollection of the conversants: more accurate, and also more truthful, since a party to a conversation, including a police officer, may lie about what he heard or said. But on the other side of the balance are the inhibiting effect of nonconsensual recording of conversations on the number and candor of conversations (and hence on values that the First Amendment protects); the baleful effect on privacy; the negative effect on law enforcement; and the litigation likely to be engendered by police officers' shooing away intruders on their private conversations with citizens. These are significant social costs, and the majority opinion offers no basis in fact or history, in theory or practice, in constitutional text or judicial precedent, for weighting them less heavily than the social value of recorded eavesdropping.

[1] The State's Attorney argues that a preliminary injunction is inappropriate here because it would grant the ACLU affirmative relief rather than preserving the status quo. The Supreme Court has long since foreclosed this argument. See Ashcroft v. ACLU, 542 U.S. 656, 670-71, 124 S.Ct. 2783, 159 L.Ed.2d 690 (2004) (finding a preenforcement preliminary injunction appropriate to protect First Amendment rights because "speakers may self-censor rather than risk the perils of trial"); Doran v. Salem Inn, Inc., 422 U.S. 922, 931, 95 S.Ct. 2561, 45 L.Ed.2d 648 (1975) ("[P]rior to final judgment there is no established declaratory remedy comparable to a preliminary injunction; unless preliminary relief is available upon a proper showing, plaintiffs in some situations may suffer unnecessary and substantial irreparable harm.").

[2] The Cook County prosecutions are People v. Drew, No. 10-cr-46 (Cook Cnty., Ill., Cir.Ct.), People v. Moore, No. 10-cr-15709 (Cook Cnty., Ill., Cir.Ct.), and People v. Tate, No. 11-cr-9515 (Cook Cnty., Ill., Cir.Ct.). We note that the presiding judge in People v. Drew recently held that the eavesdropping statute violates substantive due process and dismissed the case. People v. Drew, No. 10-cr-46 (Cook Cnty., Ill., Cir.Ct. Mar. 7, 2012). The ACLU identified the following additional prosecutions under the eavesdropping statute for civilian audio recording of law-enforcement officers: People v. Thompson, No. 04-cf-1609 (6th Cir., Champaign Cnty., Ill.); People v. Wight, No. 05-cf-2454 (17th Cir., Winnebago Cnty., Ill.); People v. Babarskas, No. 06-cf-537 (12th Cir., Will Cnty., Ill.); People v. Allison, No. 09-cf-50 (2d Cir., Crawford Cnty., Ill.); People v. Parteet, No. 10-cf-49 (16th Cir., DeKalb Cnty., Ill.);People v. Biddle, No. 10-cf-421 (16th Cir., Kane Cnty., Ill.); People v. Fitzpatrick, No. 10-cf-397 (5th Cir., Vermillion Cnty., Ill.); People v. Lee, No. 08-cf-1791 (12th Cir., Will Cnty., Ill.); and People v. Gordon, No. 10-cf-341 (11th Cir., Livingston Cnty., Ill.).

[3] Although the State's Attorney does not raise it, a possible ground for doubting standing might be that openlymade recordings could fall within the implied-consent doctrine. See People v. Ceja, 204 Ill.2d 332, 273 Ill.Dec. 796, 789 N.E.2d 1228, 1241 (2003) (Consent may be "inferred from the surrounding circumstances," including facts showing that "a party knows of ... encroachments on the routine expectation that conversations are private."). Implied consent is a factual issue for trial in a prosecution under the eavesdropping statute. That the ACLU and its employees may face prosecution is injury enough for preenforcement standing, even though they might be able to defend based on implied consent. Moreover, the implied—consent doctrine, and more particularly its potential application in particular cases, is sufficiently ambiguous for the ACLU to have a credible fear of criminal liability.See, e.g., Williams v. Poulos, 11 F.3d 271, 281 (1st Cir.1993) ("Implied consent is not . . . constructive consent. Rather, implied consent is consent in fact which is inferred from surrounding circumstances indicating that the party knowingly agreed to the surveillance." (citations and internal quotation marks omitted)); see also Schirmer v. Nagode, 621 F.3d 581, 586 (7th Cir.2010) ("[W]hen an ambiguous statute arguably prohibits certain protected speech, a reasonable fear of prosecution can provide standing for a First Amendment challenge.").

[4] As best we can tell, the Illinois statute is the broadest of its kind; no other wiretapping or eavesdropping statute prohibits the open recording of police officers lacking any expectation of privacy. See 18 U.S.C. § 2510(2); Jesse Harlan Alderman, Police Privacy in the iPhone Era?, 9 FIRST AMEND. L.REV. 487, 533-45 (2011) (collecting state statutes); cf. OR. REV.STAT. § 165.540(1)(c), (6)(a) (exempting "unconcealed" recordings at public events but otherwise requiring that "all participants in the conversation are specifically informed that their conversation is being obtained").

[5] The First Amendment provides that "Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press," U.S. CONST. amend. I, and applies to the States through Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, U.S. CONST. amend. XIV, § 1. See Near v. Minnesota ex rel. Olson, 283 U.S. 697, 707, 51 S.Ct. 625, 75 L.Ed. 1357 (1931).

[6] For more on how the First Amendment protects the use of communications technology, see Eugene Volokh,Freedom for the Press as an Industry, or for the Press as a Technology? From the Framing to Today, 160 U. PA. L.REV. 459 (2012); Seth F. Kreimer, Pervasive Image Capture and the First Amendment: Memory, Discourse, and the Right to Record, 159 U. PA. L.REV. 335 (2011); Diane Leenheer Zimmerman, I Spy: The Newsgatherer Under Cover, 33 U. RICH. L.REV. 1185 (2000); Rodney A. Smolla, Privacy and the First Amendment Right to Gather News, 67 GEO. WASH. L.REV. 1097 (1999).








679 F.3d 583 (2012)

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION OF ILLINOIS, Plaintiff-Appellant,
v.
Anita ALVAREZ, Defendant-Appellee.

No. 11-1286.
United States Court of Appeals, Seventh Circuit.
Argued September 13, 2011.
Decided May 8, 2012.
679 F.3d 583 (2012)

http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=4027403108062769854&q=Twitter&hl=en&as_sdt=4,14,112,127,268,269,270,271,272,314,315,331,332,333,334,335,377,378&as_ylo=2012